By Norman Solomon 

The British Parliament’s rejection of an attack on Syria is a direct contrast — and implicit challenge — to the political war system of the United States.

“It is clear to me that the British Parliament, reflecting the views of the British people, does not want to see British military action. I get that, and the government will act accordingly,” Prime Minister David Cameron said Thursday night. At least for now, Uncle Sam’s poodle is off the leash.

Now all eyes turn to Congress, where the bar has suddenly been raised. Can the House of Representatives measure up to the House of Commons?

It’s a crucial question — but President Obama intends to render it moot with unwavering contempt for the war authority of Congress. Like his predecessors.

Even with war votes on Capitol Hill, the charade quotient has been high. The Gulf War began in early 1991 after the Senate vote for war was close: 52 to 47. But, as the PBS “Frontline” program reported years later, President George H.W. Bush had a plan in place: if Congress voted against going to war, he’d ignore Congress.

“The president privately, with the most inner circle, made absolutely clear he was going to go forward with this action even if he were impeached,” said Robert Gates, who was deputy national security advisor. “The truth of the matter is that while public opinion and the voice of Congress was important to Bush, I believe it had no impact on his decision about what he would do. He was going to throw that son of a bitch [Saddam Hussein] out of Kuwait, regardless of whether the Congress or the public supported him.”

By the Pentagon’s estimate, the six weeks of the Gulf War took the lives of 100,000 Iraqi people. “It’s really not a number I’m terribly interested in,” the Joint Chiefs of Staff chairman, Colin Powell, said at the time.

Eight years later, the War Powers Act’s 60-day deadline for congressional approval of U.S. warfare expired on May 25, 1999 — but large-scale U.S. bombing of Yugoslavia continued. Bill Clinton was unable to get authorization from Congress but, like other wartime presidents before and since, he ignored the law that was passed in 1973 to constrain autocratic war-making. Republican Rep. Tom Campbell said: “The president is in violation of the law. That is clear.” Democratic Rep. Dennis Kucinich said: “The war continues unauthorized, without the consent of the governed.” And President Clinton said, in effect, I don’t care.

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By Norman Solomon

Dear President Obama:

As commander in chief, you’ve been responsible for the treatment of the most high-profile whistleblower in the history of the U.S. armed forces. Under your command, the United States military tried — and failed — to crush the spirit of Bradley Manning.

Your failure became evident after the sentencing on Wednesday, when a statement from Bradley Manning was read aloud to the world. The statement began: “The decisions that I made in 2010 were made out of a concern for my country and the world that we live in. Since the tragic events of 9/11, our country has been at war. We've been at war with an enemy that chooses not to meet us on any traditional battlefield, and due to this fact we've had to alter our methods of combating the risks posed to us and our way of life. I initially agreed with these methods and chose to volunteer to help defend my country.”

From the outset, your administration set out to destroy Bradley Manning. As his biographer Chase Madar wrote in The Nation, “Upon his arrest in May 2010, he was locked up in punitive isolation for two months in Iraq and Kuwait, then nine more months at the Marine Corps brig in Quantico, Virginia. Prohibited from lying down during the day or exercising, he was forced to respond every five of his waking minutes to a guard’s question: ‘Are you OK?’ In his final weeks of isolation, Manning was deprived of all clothing beyond a tear-proof smock and forced to stand at attention every night in the nude.”

More than nine months after Manning’s arrest, at a news conference you defended this treatment — which the State Department’s chief spokesman, P.J. Crowley, had just lambasted as “ridiculous, counterproductive and stupid.” (Crowley swiftly lost his job.) Later, the UN special rapporteur on torture issued a report on the treatment of Manning: “at a minimum cruel, inhuman and degrading.”

At a fundraiser on April 21, 2011, when asked about Manning, you flatly said: “He broke the law.” His trial would not begin for two more years.

Bradley Manning’s statement after sentencing on Wednesday said: “It was not until I was in Iraq and reading secret military reports on a daily basis that I started to question the morality of what we were doing. It was at this time I realized that (in) our efforts to meet the risk posed to us by the enemy, we have forgotten our humanity. We consciously elected to devalue human life both in Iraq and Afghanistan. When we engaged those that we perceived were the enemy, we sometimes killed innocent civilians. Whenever we killed innocent civilians, instead of accepting responsibility for our conduct, we elected to hide behind the veil of national security and classified information in order to avoid any public accountability.”

Public accountability is essential to democracy. We can’t have meaningful “consent of the governed” without informed consent. We can’t have moral responsibility without challenging official hypocrisies and atrocities.

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By Norman Solomon

In Oslo, the world’s most important peace prize has been hijacked for war.

In London, government authority has just fired a new shot at freedom of the press.

And in Washington, the Obama administration continues to escalate its attacks on whistleblowers, journalism and civil liberties.

As a nation at peace becomes a fading memory, so does privacy. Commitments to idealism — seeking real alternatives to war and upholding democratic values — are under constant assault from the peaks of power.

Normalizing endless war and shameless surveillance, Uncle Sam and Big Brother are no longer just close. They’re the same, with a vast global reach.

Last week, I met with the Research Director of the Nobel Committee at its headquarters in Oslo. We sat at one end of a long polished conference table, next to boxes of petitions signed by 100,000 people urging that the Nobel Peace Prize go to Bradley Manning.

The Nobel official, Asle Toje, remained polite but frosty when I urged — as I had two hours earlier at a news conference – that the Nobel Committee show independence from the U.S. government by awarding the Peace Prize to Manning. Four years after the prize went to President Obama, his leadership for perpetual war is incontrovertible — while Manning’s brave whistleblowing for peace is inspiring.

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By Norman Solomon

The headquarters of the Nobel Committee is in downtown Oslo on a street named after Henrik Ibsen, whose play “An Enemy of the People” has remained as current as dawn light falling on the Nobel building and then, hours later, on a Fort Meade courtroom where Bradley Manning's trial enters a new stage — defense testimony in the sentencing phase.

Ibsen’s play tells of mendacity and greed in high places: dangerous threats to public health. You might call the protagonist a whistleblower. He's a physician who can't pretend that he hasn't seen evidence; he rejects all the pleas and threats to stay quiet, to keep secret what the public has a right to know. He could be content to take an easy way, to let others suffer and die. But he refuses to just follow orders. He will save lives. There will be some dire consequences for him.

The respectable authorities know when they've had enough. Thought crimes can be trivial but are apt to become intolerable if they lead to active transgressions. In the last act, our hero recounts: “They insulted me and called me an enemy of the people.” Ostracized and condemned, he offers final defiant words before the curtain comes down: “I have made a great discovery. … It is this, let me tell you — that the strongest man in the world is he who stands most alone.”

Alone Bradley Manning will stand as a military judge proclaims a prison sentence.

As I write these words early Monday, sky is starting to lighten over Oslo. This afternoon I'll carry several thousand pages of a petition — filled with the names of more than 100,000 signers, along with individual comments from tens of thousands of them — to an appointment with the Research Director of the Norwegian Nobel Committee. The petition urges that Bradley Manning be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Like so many other people, the signers share the belief of Nobel Peace laureate Mairead Corrigan-Maguire who wrote this summer: “I can think of no one more deserving.”

Opening heart and mind to moral responsibility — seeing an opportunity to provide the crucial fuel of information for democracy and compassion — Bradley Manning lifted a shroud and illuminated terrible actions of the USA's warfare state. He chose courage on behalf of humanity. He refused to just follow orders.

“If there’s one thing to learn from the last ten years, it’s that government secrecy and lies come at a very high price in blood and money,” Bradley Manning biographer Chase Madar wrote. “And though information is powerless on its own, it is still a necessary precondition for any democratic state to function.”

Bradley Manning recognized that necessary precondition. He took profound action to nurture its possibilities on behalf of democracy and peace.

No doubt a Nobel Peace Prize for Bradley Manning is a very long longshot. After all, four years ago, the Nobel Committee gave that award to President Obama, while he was escalating the war in Afghanistan, and since then Obama's dedication to perpetual war has become ever more clear.

Now, the Nobel Committee and its Peace Prize are in dire need of rehabilitation. In truth, the Nobel Peace Prize needs Bradley Manning much more than the other way around.

No one can doubt the sincere dedication of Bradley Manning to human rights and peace. But on Henrik Ibsen Street in Oslo, the office of the Nobel Committee is under a war cloud of its own making.

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Norman Solomon is co-founder of RootsAction.org and founding director of the Institute for Public Accuracy. His books include “War Made Easy: How Presidents and Pundits Keep Spinning Us to Death.”

Published in USA Today  *  July 31, 2013 print edition

By Norman Solomon

Tuesday's verdict from a
military judge does not diminish the huge moral stature of whistle-blower
Bradley Manning. Next month, I will be proud to deliver a petition to the Nobel Committee in Oslo with a
simple message from more than 100,000 signers: "I urge you to award the
Peace Prize to Bradley Manning."

Thanks
to Manning, vast troves of information have become public knowledge, making
possible more informed debate about war and peace. For instance, he leaked the
now-infamous "collateral
murder" video, with a soundtrack of chilling banter as U.S.
servicemen in a pair of gunships fired on civilians in Baghdad.

Other
evidence that Manning brought to light includes a U.S.
diplomatic cable about
a covered-up massacre of at least 10 civilians, including young children, in
the Iraqi town of Ishaqi. That revelation stiffened the resolve of Iraq's
government to seek jurisdiction over American troops for criminal actions.
Washington found the demand unacceptable, thus hastening full U.S. military
withdrawal from the country.

Such
disclosures from Manning "helped end the Iraq War, and may have helped
prevent further conflicts elsewhere," according to Mairead
Corrigan-Maguire, a Nobel Peace laureate. She has formally
nominated Manning for the honor this year, saying "I can think
of no one more deserving."

Consent
of the governed is meaningful only to the extent that it is informed consent. Bradley Manning let
Americans, and many others around the world, know what their governments were
really doing. The disclosures caused problems for leaders in many nations who
much preferred to operate behind an opaque curtain.

Over
time, democracy and peace are closely entwined. Only a knowledgeable citizenry
can come to grips with actual policies that perpetuate war when shielded from
public scrutiny.

It's
easy to insist that Bradley Manning must face the consequences of his actions.
But we badly need whistle-blowers like Manning because U.S. government leaders
do not face the consequences of their actions, including perpetual warfare
abroad and assaults on civil liberties at home.

No
government should have the power to keep waging war while using secrecy to
cloak policies that cannot stand the light of day. Thank goodness for the
courage of Bradley Manning.

__________________________________________

Norman
Solomon is author of War
Made Easy, founding director of the Institute for Public Accuracy and
co-founder of RootsAction.org.

By Norman Solomon

The sun rose with a moral verdict on Bradley Manning well before the military judge could proclaim his guilt. The human verdict would necessarily clash with the proclamation from the judicial bench.

In lockstep with administrators of the nation’s war services, judgment day arrived on Tuesday to exact official retribution. After unforgiveable actions, the defendant’s culpability weighed heavy.

“Our apologies, good friends, for the fracture of good order, the burning of paper instead of children, the angering of the orderlies in the front parlor of the charnel house,” another defendant, Fr. Daniel Berrigan, wrote about another action that resulted in a federal trial, 45 years earlier, scarcely a dozen miles from the Fort Meade courtroom where Bradley Manning faced prosecution for his own fracture of good order.

“We could not, so help us God, do otherwise,” wrote Berrigan, one of the nine people who, one day in May 1968 while the Vietnam War raged on, removed several hundred files from a U.S. draft board in Catonsville, Maryland, and burned them with napalm in the parking lot. “For we are sick at heart…”

On the surface, many differences protrude between those nine draft-files-burning radical Catholics and Bradley Manning. But I wonder. Ten souls saw cruelties of war and could no longer just watch.

“I prefer a painful truth over any blissful fantasy,” Manning wrote in an online chat. Minutes later he added: “I think I’ve been traumatized too much by reality, to care about consequences of shattering the fantasy.” And he also wrote: “I want people to see the truth … regardless of who they are … because without information, you cannot make informed decisions as a public.”

Those words came seven weeks after the world was able to watch the “Collateral Murder” video that Manning had provided to WikiLeaks. And those words came just days before military police arrived to arrest him on May 29, 2010.

Since then, huge numbers of people around the world have come to see Bradley Manning as personification of moral courage. During the last several months I’ve read thousands of moving comments online at ManningNobel.org, posted by signers of the petition urging that he receive the Nobel Peace Prize. The comments are often stunning with heartfelt intensity of wounded idealism, anger and hope.

No verdict handed down by the military judge can change the moral verdict that has emerged from people all over the world, reciprocating what Bradley Manning expressed online a few days before his arrest: “I can’t separate myself from others.” And: “I feel connected to everybody … like they were distant family.”

The problem for the U.S. government was not that Bradley Manning felt that way. The problem came when he acted that way. Caring was one thing. Acting on the caring, with empathy propelling solidarity, was another.

Days ago, in closing argument, the prosecutor at Fort Meade thundered: “He was not a whistleblower, he was a traitor.”

But a “traitor” to what? To the United States … only if the United States is to be a warfare state, where we “cannot make informed decisions as a public.” Only if we obey orders to separate ourselves from the humanity of others. Only if authoritative, numbing myths are to trump empathy and hide painful truth.

_________________________________________

Norman Solomon is co-founder of RootsAction.org and founding director of the Institute for Public Accuracy. His books include “War Made Easy: How Presidents and Pundits Keep Spinning Us to Death.”

By Norman Solomon

It’s now painfully
clear that the president has put out a contract on the Fourth Amendment. And at
the Capitol, the hierarchies of both parties are stuffing it into the trunks of
their limousines, so each provision can be neatly fitted with cement shoes and
delivered to the bottom of the Potomac.

Some other Americans are
on a rescue mission. One of them, Congressman Justin Amash, began a debate on
the House floor Wednesday with a vow to “defend the Fourth Amendment.” That’s
really what his amendment — requiring that surveillance be warranted — was
all about.

No argument for the
Amash amendment was more trenchant than the one offered by South Carolina
Republican Jeff Duncan, who simply read the Fourth Amendment aloud.

To quote those words was
to take a clear side: “The
right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects,
against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no
Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or
affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the
persons or things to be seized.”

Edward Snowden’s heroic
revelations have made it possible for some House members from both parties to
blow away the fog that shrouds so much tap dancing on Capitol Hill. When the
Amash amendment went to the floor, there was no place left to hide.

To their historic shame,
134 Republicans and 83 Democrats voted against Amash’s amendment (while 94
Republicans and 111 Democrats voted for it). That’s how the measure lost,
217-205.

The record of the House vote tells
us a lot. Top Republicans — including Speaker John Boehner, Majority Leader
Eric Cantor and Majority Whip Kevin McCarthy — voted with Obama policies to
keep smothering the Fourth Amendment. So did top Democrats, including Minority
Leader Nancy Pelosi and Minority Whip Steny Hoyer.

The stench at the
pinnacle of GOP power hardly surprises most Democrats. But on civil liberties
— as on so many other profound issues — a similar odor is emanating from the
upper reaches of Democratic power on Capitol Hill, where Pelosi and Hoyer are
far from the only Democrats who have become reflexive servants of indefensible
Obama policies.

Consider some of the
other Democratic luminaries in the House who voted against the Amash amendment:
The Democratic National Committee’s chair, Debbie Wasserman Schultz. The
Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee’s former chair Chris Van Hollen.
The DCCC’s current chair, Steve Israel.

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By Norman Solomon

The part of the First
Amendment that prohibits “abridging the freedom … of the press” is now up
against the wall, as the Obama administration continues to assault the kind of
journalism that can expose government secrets.

Last Friday the administration
got what it wanted – an ice-cold chilling effect — from the Fourth
Circuit Court of Appeals, which ruled on the case of New York Times reporter James Risen. The court “delivered a blow to investigative journalism in
America by ruling that reporters have no First Amendment protection that would
safeguard the confidentiality of their sources in the event of a criminal trial,”
the Guardian reported.

The Executive Branch fought
for that ruling — and is now celebrating. “We
agree with the decision,” said a Justice Department spokesman. “We are
examining the next steps in the prosecution of this case.” The Risen case, and
potentially many others, are now under the ominous shadow of the Appeals Court’s
pronouncement: “There is no
First Amendment testimonial privilege, absolute or qualified, that protects a
reporter from being compelled to testify … in criminal proceedings.”

At the
Freedom of the Press Foundation, co-founder Trevor Timm calls the court ruling “the most significant reporter’s
privilege decision in decades” and asserts that the court “eviscerated that
privilege.” He’s not exaggerating. Press freedom is at stake.

Journalists who can be compelled to violate the confidentiality of their
sources, or otherwise go to prison, are reduced to doing little more than
providing stenographic services to pass along the official story. That’s what the
White House wants.

The federal Fourth
Circuit covers the geographical area where most of the U.S. government’s
intelligence, surveillance and top-level military agencies — including the NSA
and CIA — are headquartered. The ruling “pretty much guts national security
journalism in the states in which it matters,” Marcy Wheeler writes.

That court decision came
seven days after the Justice Department released its “News Media Policies” report
announcing “significant revisions to the Department’s policies regarding
investigations that involve members of the news media.” The report offered assurances
that “members of the news media will not be subject to prosecution based solely
on newsgathering activities.” (Hey
thanks!) But the document quickly added that the government will take such
action “as a last resort” when seeking information that is “essential to a
successful investigation or prosecution.”

Translation: We won’t prosecute journalists for doing
their jobs unless we really want to.

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